An Overview of Corruption Investigations in the Philippines

The current ubiquity of corruption underscores the normalization of impunity in the country's politics, despite recent democratic uprisings.

The Diplomat
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An Overview of Corruption Investigations in the Philippines

The current ubiquity of corruption underscores the normalization of impunity in the country’s politics, despite recent democratic uprisings.

Protesters take part in an anti-corruption demonstration in Manila, Philippines, Sep. 21, 2025.

Credit: Courtesy Pinoy Weekly

An impeachment trial for betrayal of public trust, plunder charges against legislators, the Senate leadership squabble, and the dismissal of cases involving the First Family – several investigations are taking place in the Philippines reflecting the deeply entrenched corruption in the bureaucracy and the role of impunity in the unfolding political crisis ahead of the highly anticipated 2028 presidential election.

Massive flooding in July last year exposed the proliferation of substandard and even non-existent flood projects. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. blamed corruption and vowed to pursue accountability by establishing the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) to determine the perpetrators, identify anomalous contracts, and submit recommendations for the filing of legal cases.

The ICI finished its work on March 31 and reported that it was able to recover cash, luxury cars, and other assets from corrupt contractors and officials. However, critics pointed out that it fell short of its mandate as its probe did not reach the presidential office. Marcos was accused of using the ICI to shield himself, his family, and his closest allies from being investigated for their role in the rollout of corruption-tainted projects in the national budget.

Based on ICI’s recommendations, the ombudsman has filed graft and plunder cases against some officials, including former and incumbent members of Congress, resigned Cabinet officials, and big-time contractors. The ombudsman could be targeting more individuals, but the slow release of information has prompted concern that it is engaged in selective prosecution and blackmail aimed at intimidating the political factions opposed to Marcos. One of those arrested was a senator known for being a supporter of Vice President Sara Duterte, whose impeachment trial is scheduled to start on July 6.

Duterte was impeached by the House of Representatives in May for alleged misuse of confidential funds and failure to declare bank transactions amounting to at least six billion pesos. Duterte was an ally of Marcos until 2024, when she became a fierce critic of the administration. She claims that Marcos and his allies want to derail her presidential candidacy, even if the impeachment complaint was initiated by civil society personalities who had been consistent in demanding accountability from the country’s top officials. But Duterte is correct in her assertion that House members refused to hold the same standards applied to her in addressing the corruption allegations against Marcos.

When Duterte’s allies gained leadership in the Senate, they called for a public hearing and presented witnesses who testified that they delivered bags full of cash to various houses owned by Marcos and his subordinates in Congress. Even when they lost control of the majority, they continued to provide a platform for these witnesses whose credibility and motive have been questioned since their narrative contained numerous inconsistencies and inaccurate information. The Senate is now focused on the coming impeachment trial, but Duterte’s allies are expected to drumbeat the “bombshell” exposé of their witnesses to insist that the vice president’s trial is only meant to divert public attention and downplay the accountability of Marcos.

It may appear that Marcos and Duterte camps are simply contesting for dominance and it is convenient to frame the issue as a preview of the 2028 elections, but the persistence of corruption underscores the normalization of impunity despite the two People Power uprisings in 1986 and 2001.

The corruption scandal in 2025 triggered widespread public outrage which led to nationwide protests on September 21 and November 30. The clamor for accountability continued this year as protesters marked the 40th anniversary of People Power in February with a demand to prosecute and jail corrupt officials. The anti-corruption movement continues to gather momentum as various groups are gearing up for a White Ribbon March on June 28, signaling the efforts to unite and mobilize more people to fight corruption.

Marcos supporters may assume that the protests are directed towards the Dutertes, but they ignore the popular discontent not just against the failure of the president to end the corrupt practices involving his allies, but also his role in facilitating the release of funds used in the flood control scam. Martial Law survivors have also expressed concern over the alarming dismissal of almost all cases involving the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses.

Duterte’s impeachment trial may grab the headlines in the second half of the year but the anti-corruption advocacy has laid down a broader agenda which includes not just the prosecution of corrupt officials but also the rejection of the corruption-riddled pork barrel system and the banning of political dynasties. In other words, both the Marcoses and Dutertes and their allied political clans are all being held to account for enabling and benefiting from the systematic corruption that continues to plague Philippine politics.

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