From March 26 to 29, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky toured several Middle Eastern countries. The trip resulted in military cooperation agreements with Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as well as plans for a similar agreement with the United Arab Emirates and cooperation with Jordan.
The texts of the agreements have not been published. But based on statements from Ukrainian officials and their counterparts in the region, they focus primarily on sharing experience in countering drones, as well as future investments in Ukraine’s defense industry and the supply of energy resources to Ukraine.
Ukraine’s experience in drone defense is particularly relevant for Middle Eastern countries. The Shahed drones Iran is using to carry out strikes in the region are close relatives of the Geran drones Russia deploys against Ukraine — in fact, the Geran was developed on the basis of the Shahed.
Zelensky also used the trip to frame the war against Ukraine in terms intended to resonate locally. As The Wall Street Journal noted, he repeatedly emphasized that Ukraine and its hosts are, in effect, fighting the same war on the same side: Russia and Iran are allied powers undermining stability and security in their respective regions. In particular, Zelensky said that Russian intelligence is collecting and passing along information to Iran about key energy infrastructure in the Persian Gulf — including oil and gas fields, processing facilities, pipelines, and terminals.
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The tour marked an important shift in how leading Middle Eastern countries are positioning themselves on the Russia–Ukraine war. Until recently, they had maintained careful neutrality. The UAE, for example, has for several years provided a platform for talks between intelligence services, particularly on prisoner exchanges. Saudi Arabia and Qatar have also acted as mediators. In February 2025, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the country’s de facto ruler, hosted direct talks between Russia and the United States — the first such meeting since the start of the full-scale war.
At the time, the conflict was seen in the region as a distant, largely contained one that did not directly affect their interests. Now, however, these same countries find themselves drawn into a broader confrontation involving the United States, Israel, and Iran — and are discovering that neither American security guarantees, nor the presence of U.S. military bases, nor even their own efforts to avoid direct involvement in attacks on Iran ensure their safety.
Even Pentagon officials acknowledge that Ukraine has become one of the world’s leaders in drone warfare. Gulf states often have to intercept relatively inexpensive Iranian drones using costly missiles or fighter jets. Ukraine, meanwhile, has developed several technological and tactical solutions that both significantly reduce the cost of producing drones and countermeasures and improve the effectiveness of air defense.
During Zelensky’s visit, Iranian state media circulated reports claiming that an Iranian strike on a military depot in Dubai had killed 21 Ukrainians. Ukrainian authorities denied the claim. At the same time, Zelensky has repeatedly said — including during the trip — that more than 200 Ukrainian air defense specialists are currently working in different countries, helping them build systems to counter drone threats.
The trip itself was not accompanied by public speeches or joint press conferences, and comments from host leaders were brief. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed, Qatar’s Emir Tamim bin Hamad, and Jordan’s King Abdullah II each described Ukraine as a strategic partner and expressed interest in expanding cooperation. At the same time, all of them spoke only in terms of regional security and stability — pointedly avoiding direct comment on the Russia–Ukraine war.
That caution reflects a delicate balancing act. All four countries maintain working relationships and business ties with Russia — ties they aren’t eager to jeopardize.
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